Tuesday, 19 July 2016
Basic concepts in Peace and conflict studies
Human Rights
This is a right which is supposed to belong to everyone. This is the universal, equitable, and indispensable claims and entitlements that are endowed to all human, in any territory of the world simply for the sake of being human.
It is fundamental to all human. They are rights inherent to all human beings not minding sex, nationality, colour, among others. No government can abrogate it because they are not created by them. There are several International laws, conventions and treaties and support this position. It is usually divided into three parts, although no clear divisions exist among the categories,
1. Cvil and political rights this are right to life, freedom of movement, thought, religion, opinion, and expression; freedom of peaceful assembly and association; freedom from slavery, torture, inhumane treatment, political persecution, and arbitrary interference in personal life.
2. Socioeconomic rights establishing positive obligations. Such rights include equal access before the law to legal institutions, public services, and cultural life; choice of employment, quality work conditions, unemployment safety nets, equal pay for equal work; adequate living standards, social security, free education through designated stages, and protection of private and intellectual production and one’s good name.
3. Rights generally conferred upon collectivities. These include the right to development, peace, and self-determination. Several state systems have incorporated aspects of the UDHR into their constitutions, providing legal provisions in their respective justice systems, and private individuals and corporations are increasingly being recognized as bearing responsibility for ensuring human rights.
In its contemporary sense, the term ‘human rights’ was first used by U.S. president Franklin Delano Roosevelt in a 1941 speech delivered to Congress in what was then seen as a secular expansion of what had historically been referred to as ‘natural rights’. Natural rights had been advocated in the treatises of the British philosopher John Locke (1632–1704), perhaps the most influential natural law theorist of modern times, and the works of eighteenth-century philosophers working in Paris, including Montesquieu, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Voltaire. Such philosophers and others sought to discern universally defensible principles governing nature, humanity, and society, including certain inalienable rights. Human rights derive from these philosophical traditions as well as from the deeply rooted concepts of several non-Western traditions. Legally recognized internationally as applying to individuals and collectivities, human rights were enshrined by the United Nations General Assembly in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) on 10 December 1948. Yet, the principles enunciated in the declaration are not enforceable; rather, they offer guidance that is now universally admired and increasingly accepted.
Although the legal interpretations and developments associated with human rights are largely derivative of practices descending from Greco-Roman theories of law, basic standards of human behaviour and concepts of entitlements are found in cultures across the globe. Several attempts have been made to additionally incorporate the protection of human rights in post-colonial contexts. For example, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, also known as the Banjul Charter,was adopted in June 1981 by the Organization of African Unity (now known as African Union) and enacted in October 1986. In July 2003, the Assembly of Heads of States and Governments of the African Union adopted the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. The protocol addresses the gender dimension of human rights and entitlements. It offers thus far the most comprehensive protection to African women of any international or regional human rights instrument. It calls for an end to all forms of violence against women in the public and private spheres. In addition to addressing equality in marriage before the law and the right to participate in political and decision-making processes, the protocol goes so far as to express the right to peace, including the entitlement of women to participate in the promotion and maintenance of it. The protocol notes the limits to legislative prescriptions alone and takes a holistic approach to women’s rights. It calls for states to ‘commit themselves to modify the social and cultural patterns of conduct of women and men, with a view to achieving the elimination of harmful cultural and traditional practices . . . [that are] based on the idea of the inferiority or the superiority of either of the sexes, or on stereotyped roles for women and men’.
Compromise
This is an agreement or settlement of a dispute reached by two sides making concessions, it always include accepting some standards that are consider lower than initial request. It is an outcome to a conflict resolution in which the parties involved concede certain things in order to obtain a portion of their objectives, so as to prevent or end conflicts. Such results often occur when the contending parties lack the strength or ability to achieve a complete victory, seek to avoid escalation because of mutual interdependence, or value a future relationship with one another. Compromises are usually proposed during negotiations or settlement proposals.
Peace and conflict studies
Peace and conflict studies is a social science field that identifies and analyses violent and nonviolent behaviours as well as the structural mechanisms attending conflicts (including social conflicts) with a view towards understanding those processes which lead to a more desirable human condition.[1] A variation on this, peace studies (irenology), is an interdisciplinary effort aiming at the prevention, de-escalation, and solution of conflicts by peaceful means, thereby seeking "victory" for all parties involved in the conflict. This is in contrast to war studies (polemology), which has as its aim on the efficient attainment of victory in conflicts, primarily by violent means to the satisfaction of one or more, but not all, parties involved. Disciplines involved may include political science, geography, economics, psychology, sociology, international relations, history, anthropology, religious studies, and gender studies, as well as a variety of others. Relevant sub-disciplines of such fields, such as peace economics, may be regarded as belonging to peace and conflict studies also.
Aggression
This is a range of behavious and actions that can cause harm .it is an unprovoked, offensive act of hostility, attack, or violence on the individual, community, region, association, or government. Aggression can be verbal, emotional, mental or physical. Aggression always come with the intention of inflicting pain. In the legal sense among nations, aggression refers to military attacks by one nation-state against another or its armed forces.
In such cases, the aggressor is commonly identified as a result of violation of a cease-fire, treaty, or other mutually recognised, binding agreement. The United Nations defines aggression among states like the case of Iraq annexing Kuwait in 1990,as the ‘use of armed force by a state against the sovereignty, territorial integrity or political independence of another state, or in any manner inconsistent with the Charter of the United Nations’ (UN General Assembly Consensus Resolution 3314 of 14 December 1974).
Alliance
This is coming together of two or more groups for strategic performance. It is a coalition formed by individuals, groups, or nation-states with similar interest , based on formal or informal agreement, open or secret to assist one another to achieve certain objectives. It can for political, economic, military and religious reasons, In international relations and politics, alliances are long-standing historical phenomena, usually formed to address security issues, especially the potential outbreak of war or some crisis projected to be equally debilitating. Although several approaches explain the formation of alliances, the principle arguments involve either a balance of power theory—where alliances are formed as counterpoints to the anticipated or real strength of another bloc or party—or ‘jumping on the band-wagon’—where those joining a dispute ally with the strongest perceived party.
Problems of alliance always arises from the followings:
1. extent of cooperation or specific responsibilities borne by the different parties;
2. accuracy of assessments of capabilities to be contributed;
3. mandates and leadership or command structure;
4. measurement of objectives, particularly in relation to defensive or deterrent alliances;
5. triggers that will provoke forms of cooperation;
6. geographic scope;
7. political or ideological contradictions among members;
8. commitment of members; and
9. termination of responsibilities.
Example in Nigeria is the political alliance between two political CPC and ACN during the 2015 general elections.
Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR)
This is a term used to describe several means of resolving conflicts without going to court. As the name implies wide range of methods and approaches other than litigation that aim to resolve conflicts that will be mutually accepted by the constituent parties. Alternative dispute resolution (ADR) has been used to address conflicts in political and international affairs, civil and human rights, corporate and commercial interests, and community and family issues. In these areas, it is used in the processes of arbitration, reconciliation, mediation, mini-trials, negotiation, peer review, and rejuvenated or reformulated endogenous means of attending to disputes. It helps a lot to save time of judges in court. It is practiced successfully in some courts in Lagos State where some matters will be sent to ADR he idea
Arbitration
Arbiratition is the private judicial determination of conflict or a dispute by an independent third party known as the arbitrator, it is a mechanism for resolving conflicts whereby the disputants identify their grievances and demands, fix a procedural process, and willingly submit the decision to outcomes, which are to be final and binding, to all parties. The contending parties often select the majority of the members of the third party, which normally takes the form of a tribunal. The third party is usually presented with arguments and evidence from both sides, but the process can vary according to the pre-established procedures. Although similar to adjudication, arbitration is informal, private, economical, and sometimes quick.
Arms control
Bilateral or multilateral measures, usually facilitated through international organizations, to mutually reduce military capacities—armaments, armed forces,deployment zones, and general usage—particularly aimed at reducing conventional and nuclear war, but also intended to alleviate tensions that could escalate into military confrontations. Often negotiated in the midst of conflict, arms control does not attempt to resolve (or even address) the grievances or demands of the contending parties. Generally undertaken between antagonistic parties for whom the likelihood of military confrontation is perceived to be high, arms control can contribute to
Asylum
This is the protection granted by a state to someone who has left their home country as a political refugee, it is a temporary status granted to a foreigner within a country or embassy or other
office with diplomatic immunity. Such protection is granted because it is believed
that the foreigner in question would otherwise be in danger, if not protected, like the case of the whistle blower
Bargaining
Concessions, incentives, and threats issued by parties engaged in a process of negotiation. Bargaining should not overshadow the process of negotiation, yet it offers insight into one aspect of how negotiations are conducted. Such exchanges may occur over a single concern or multiple issues, but the parties often tend to offer initially what they view as less valuable in order to obtain what they consider to be more valuable, an approach known as Homans’ Theorem. Bargaining, however, is not a straightforward exercise of mutual exchanges. In sophisticated applications, comparisons are drawn between the respective parties’ manoeuvres, which are monitored in order to identify patterns that may be exploited as the bargaining continues. Such practices, derived from social psychology, attempt to recognize and understand the behaviours of others.
Cease-fire
This is a temporary stoppage of a war or hostilities in which each sides agrees with the other to suspend aggressive actions. It is a bilateral or multilateral halt in all or select offensive military actions among parties engaged in official war, guerrilla warfare, or violent exchanges with one
another. It can be in an area to allow for evacuation of civilian casualties or to allow movement of medical support to people held in crossfire. Cease-fires sometimes lead to more stable or permanent military or political agreements, but they minimally aim to reduce immediate tensions and extreme losses while providing opportunities for the initiation of other forms of conflict resolution or management efforts.
Civil society
This is non governmental organizations and institutions that manifest the interest and the will of the citizens. They are often separated from the state. They are voluntary, non profit organization A sphere of society distinct and independent from the state system, the means of economic production, and the household. This collective realm, or ‘public space’, includes networks of institutions through which citizens voluntarily represent themselves in cultural, ideological, and political senses. The term ‘civil society’ is often employed in the context of mutual rights and responsibilities. From the mid nineteenth century onwards, distinctions between civil society and the state became more pronounced, reflecting the view that independent sectors (within civil society) can defend themselves from a state. More recently, the notion of capitalist endeavours being at the heart of civil society has been replaced with a central concept of a sphere
in which social activity protects the substance of democracy. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are often considered the backbone of
Civil disobedience
This is the refusal to obey certain laws, government directives or demands. They are usually carried out for government to change its policy, relax certain directives or actions. It is the conscious, individual, group or collective violation of a law, regulation, or edict. The order violated is usually deemed to be immoral or unjust by those undertaking the action. Civil disobedience also includes disobeying neutral orders, which serve as symbols of more general opposition. Civil disobedience are non violent, peaceful, open and symbolic
Coup d’état
The illegal overthrow and seizure of a government apparatus through threatened or actual violence by individuals of the respective government. Often led by military, political, or governmental figures, successful coups d’état are normally conducted in less than seventy-two hours. Members of the armed forces typically guide the resulting governmental junta (council or bureau) that assumes direct or indirect control of the state apparatus. The new group in control of the government may cede power to democratically elected leaders, but more often its members retain control through some form of military rule.
Although decreasing in frequency, coups d’état remain a common form of political transition, particularly in developing nation-states where governments can be weak or political procedures have not been effectively institutionalized. Within the various contexts in which coups have occurred, numerous justifications and explanations have been offered. Most rationalizations fall within two general categories: 1) social or economic upheavals presumably necessitating military intervention to provide security or stability; or 2) internal politics of the military forces precipitate their undertaking overt and drastic political man oeuvres. In either case, the politicization of the military seldom leads to resolution of the underlying social or economic crises
Conflict
This is an active disagreement between people with opposing views, opinions and principles. It always arises when a party perceived a threat to their needs, interest or sustenance. It is from the Latin for ‘to clash or engage in a fight’, a confrontation between one or more parties aspiring towards incompatible or competitive means or ends. Conflict may be either manifest, recognizable through actions or behaviours, or latent, in which case it remains dormant for some time, as incompatibilities are unarticulated or are built into systems or such institutional arrangements as governments, corporations, or even civil society.
To nations conflict can be external or Interstate conflicts which are disputes between nation-states or violations of the state system of alliances examples are the Iraq+ Iran war. The international community, however, has become increasingly concerned with the rise in frequency and intensity of internal conflicts, which are contributing tothe expanding nature, sophistication, and, at times, legitimisation of interventionist policies or internal and state-formation conflicts include civil and ethnic wars, anti-colonial struggles, secessionist and autonomous movements, territorial conflicts, and battles over control of government. Like the ones in Yemen, Syria or the Nigerian civil war. Today, attention has also focused on ‘global conflicts’, where non-state groups combat international and regional organizations like the ISIL in the middle east. It is not all conflicts that are harmful, some usually and ultimately result in positive social change in the society
Conflict Prevention
This is a process of putting on mechanisms to prevent intended, foreseen or unforeseen conflicts from turning violent. This are strategies used like National dialogue, constitutional conference and referendums. The anticipation of conflict that seeks to redress causal grievances to avoid the
escalation of violent forms of conflict engagement or to curtail the re-occurrence of violent exchanges or some combination of these elements. The term ‘conflict prevention’ can be misleading, because theoretically none of the aforementioned aspects aspire to ‘prevent’ conflict as such. Instead, the aim is often to resolve a conflict at hand or more typically to prevent escalation or violent manifestations. Although at times referred to as ‘preventive diplomacy’ and ‘crisis prevention’, such activities usually involve maintaining the status quo due to potential threats associated with crises or the anticipated outcomes from engaging in a dispute. Conflict prevention, however, recognises that in order to avoid the catastrophes associated with strife,
particularly violent upheaval, change is usually necessary, for example, through new institutions, revitalised processes, or the sharing of power.
In any case, conflict prevention as an approach relies heavily on accurate analysis of any latent or minor disputes in the hopes of identifying appropriate strategies for resolution or intervention. Such efforts are collectively categorised as ‘early warning systems’, which vary in complexity and approach. They may include fact-finding missions, consultations, inspections, report mechanisms, and monitoring. The predictive nature of conflict prevention raises several issues, particularly regarding the timing of intervention and the possibility of precipitating pre-emptive action by parties beyond the conflict.
Humanitarian and moral concerns are often insufficient for initiating effective conflict prevention efforts, even in the face of egregiously violent circumstances. As a result, numerous arguments are put forth on behalf of conflict prevention, for example, geo-strategic concerns, security interests, cost-benefit analyses, and refugee issues. Despite the increasing technical capacity and human ability to identify deadly conflicts before they erupt, as well as the likelihood of extreme costs in life, social cohesion, and regional instability, conflict prevention remains in the realm of theory more than practice. Conflict prevention has predominantly been viewed as the task, if not the responsibility, of international organisations or nation-states neutral to the given conflict. It, however, does not necessarily rely nor should it depend solely on external parties. The most effective method of conflict prevention, although not described
as such, is accountable governance, whereby citizens and groups have access to effective avenues and mechanisms for resolving the range of disputes and conflicts structures, but also requires the cooperation of all stake holders to include,civil societies and business communities. This is particularly true in settings where violent conflict has already occurred and conflict prevention focuses on inhibiting recurrences, case study, the case of Nigeria where a civil war was fought between 1967 to 1970 and recurrence of such will be a major catastrophe, so after the annulment of the 1992 general elections , a lot of conflict prevention mechanism and reconciliations were put into place by the government, civil societies, religious bodies ,the International communities and other stake holders.
Capitulation
A conditional surrender or yielding of rights by a party engaged in a conflict.
Capitulation is usually in the form of an official document. Although the degree of institutionalization among civil societies may vary widely, the strength of civil society is generally considered critical in providing protection and institutional hedges for individuals and groups against potential authoritarianism or intrusive government. Under such circumstances, governments and civil society groups commonly find themselves at odds with one another.
The ineffectiveness or failure of some developing nation-states to provide their citizens with basic services has sometimes resulted in suggestions that entities outside the government might better perform such tasks. Civil society has proven effective in some instances at performing such responsibilities, with environmental groups working to clean and maintain public spaces, some organizations providing social services, and others playing roles in governance, such as the community based groups in Thailand that assisted in drafting the constitution. More often than
not, however, civil society has been cherished in theory, rather than in actuality. A proliferation of NGOs is not necessarily an indicator of the strengthening of civil society. For example, some of the NGOs and other groupings that have emerged in developing countries cannot truly be considered part of civil society, as they were not formed independently or do not operate autonomously from state structures or governments. Civil society has helped set standards for politicians preparing 2004: 284
Conflict resolution
There are many ways to resolve conflict; it can be through legal actions, dialogue, surrendering, and other means. A variety of approaches aimed at resolving conflicts through the constructive solving of problems distinct from the management or transformation of conflict. Conflict resolution is multifaceted in that it refers to a process, a result, and an identified field of academic study as well as an activity in which persons and communities engage every day without ever using the term. The antagonisms in question may involve interpersonal relationships, labour-management issues, business decisions, intergroup disputes, disagreements between nation-states, or international quarrels.
Variations in method of conflict resolution is being determined by the nature, parties involve in the conflict, and damaging effect of the conflict. Conflict resolution involves recognition by the clashing parties of one another’s interests, needs, perspectives, and continued existence. The most effective forms identify the underlying causes of the conflict and address them through solutions that are mutually satisfactory, self-perpetuating, and sustaining. Conflict resolution can also be practised with a variety of emphases, including but not limited to cooperation, non-confrontation, non-competition, and positive-sum orientation.
Serious challenges are found when parties at times favour, for various reasons, continuation of conflict over its resolution. In such cases, the role of external parties can be critical in creating a balance of power, enacting sanctions or incentives, or acting as neutral mediators or invested facilitators. The Nigeria slogan No victor No vanquished is a slogan to resolve conflicts.
.
Demilitarization
The removal or reduction of military or paramilitary forces from a determined area or the concession of particular weaponry by one or all parties engaged in conflict. Demilitarization normally occurs in the aftermath of a debilitating civil war. The intended immediate reduction of threat can be stabilizing or volatile, depending on the timing of demilitarization and its role within a wider post-conflict strategy. More successful efforts are commonly accompanied by endeavours to professionalize armed forces and reallocate military spending in an attempt to bridle the armed forces under legitimate civilian control. The political gains achieved in conflict or through the actual demilitarization process must appear to outweigh the risks associated with
demilitarization. It, therefore, is inherently linked to civil-military relations.
Case Study
Russia pulling out its military presence from Syria in 2016
Diplomacy
From the Greek word diploun, in reference to an official, folded document, the official means by which sovereign nations conduct affairs with one another and develop agreement on their respective positions. Issues faced include war and peace, alliances, boundaries, and trade, among many others. Somewhat of an art and a science, diplomacy is a tool of foreign policy that involves representation, bargaining, negotiation, and other peaceful means. Such arrangements may be conducted publicly or out of view, but once mutual interests and consensus are recognised, official policy formulation proceeds. Extreme flexibility and tact are commonly attributed to successful diplomatic efforts, which are regulated by law and custom. Accredited agents are assigned the task of conducting diplomacy, and tremendous emphasis is placed on individual capacities and talents in addition to the actual official stances offered or defended.
In more recent times, use has been made of unofficial, non-traditional diplomatic agents, including business executives, religious figures, non-governmental organisations, academicians, and citizens. Such efforts are referred to as Track II diplomacy or multi-track diplomacy. UN secretary-general Dag Hammarskjöld coined the term ‘preventive diplomacy’ in the 1950s to refer to the resolution of disputes before they escalate or the persuasion of parties to desist from allowing such escalation to occur.
Escalation
An increase in quantity, intensity, or scope of violent exchanges among parties. Commonly referred to as a ‘downward spiral’, escalation typically occurs in cycles of attack or counterattack. A strategy of escalation is typically adopted based on one of two conditions: First, although losses are expected for all the parties engaged in a conflict, the party pursuing escalation projects that its losses will be tolerably less than the losses of others. Second, a party commits to previously stated intentions, regardless of any risks associated with escalation. Although the latter can suggest inflexibility, commitment in such cases is important to generating credibility. It is expected that eventually an opponent will be coerced through fear of continued
escalation. In either case, such a strategy can become double-edged, especially if pursued by multiple parties.
Case Study
The recent increase in Niger delta militant unrest in Nigeria
Gender
Social, historical, and cultural constructions and conditioning indicating acceptable and preferable forms of behaviour and attitudes for men and women. ‘Gender’ as a term originates with the Old French gendre and until the contemporary period pertained mainly to the linguistic and grammatical ‘kinds’ of words in three classes (or, in some languages, two categories) denoting masculine, feminine, or neuter. Validity in the field of gender studies requires that focus be given to feminist analyses as well as to the emerging field of masculinities, both of which are sub-fields of gender studies. ‘Sex’ refers strictly to biological determinations and chromosomes.
‘Feminism’ refers to the emancipatory project for women and pertains to the pursuit of equity between men and women. The study of masculinities concerns itself with social constructions of what it means to be a man, with the understanding that there is no single form of masculinity. Gender and the building of peace is a rapidly growing interdisciplinary subject that straddles gender studies and peace and conflict studies. The linkage is important because the social institutionalisation of gender is central to politics and, therefore, to peace. In the field of peace and conflict studies, gender is explored as an obstacle to peace or as a positive and influential asset. An indisputable body of evidence proves that the uplift and empowerment of women beneficially affect all aspects of society. The UN Charter, signed in San Francisco in 1945, includes the phrase ‘equal rights of men and women’. When the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) was adopted and proclaimed by the General Assembly in 1948, the word ‘everyone’ rather than the male personal pronoun was used in most articles. Coterminous with gender studies gaining credence, a number of multilateral evolutions sought gender parity, starting with the rights of women. Two agreements of major multilateral significance coaxed governments into examining issues that would otherwise have been ignored: the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), adopted by the General Assembly on 18 December 1979, and the 1985 Nairobi Forward Looking Strategies. CEDAW covers civil, political, economic, and social rights, and in 1980, with ratification obtained, it became known as the international women’s human rights treaty. A series of UN-sponsored World Conferences on Women began in 1975 in Mexico City. It continued in 1980 in Copenhagen and in 1985 in Nairobi, giving legitimacy to the work of women’s organisations around the world. In Vienna at the 1993 World Conference on Human Rights, the previously unmentionable issue of violence against women came to the fore. The 1994 International Conference on Population and Development, held in Cairo, stressed gender equality. Gender mainstreaming emerged as a global strategy for promoting gender equality in the Platform for Action at the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995. In March 2001, Secretary-General Kofi Annan told a University for Peace meeting in New York City that he hoped that within ten years UPEACE would have succeeded in mainstreaming gender studies worldwideS
Genocide
Acts aiming to significantly reduce or eliminate entirely a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group through murder, physical or mental harm, unfit living conditions, birth prevention, or forcible population transfer. The crime of genocide was fortified and defined by the Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 9 December 1948 and further elaborated in Statute Article 2(2) of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. Although the specific actions defining genocide are well articulated, murkiness surrounds what constitutes a recognised ‘group’. Genocide excludes groups that individuals join voluntarily; membership must be by birth into a stable, permanent group. Thus, mass killings or violence perpetrated against groups not recognised by the Genocide Convention have sprouted terms such as ‘politicide’, ‘democide’, and ‘gendercide’. Those suspected of the crime of genocide are bound by international law to face trial.
Guerrilla warfare
Irregular, often protracted, warfare predominantly targeted against an incumbent government and conducted by paramilitary or voluntary forces operating outside of conventional military organisations. From the Spanish for ‘small war’, the term was first used in English to depict Spanish opposition to Napoleon in the Peninsular War of 1808 to 1814. ‘Guerrilla’ refers to the individual fighter in guerrilla warfare. Guerrilla techniques require maintaining clandestinity and avoiding direct confrontations. Among classical guerrilla techniques are hit-and-run operations,
sabotage, ambushes, and partisan warfare behind enemy lines. Aside from undertaking overt offensive and defensive operations, guerrilla fighters must master the ability to blend into the general population of the region in which they conduct their activities. This is done most successfully when the population condones (or supports and assists) the guerrillas’ objectives. The guerrillas’ unique and at times sophisticated tactics have spawned opponents to develop an array of responses generally referred to as counter-insurgency tactics
Force
The application or threat of coercion within the context of international relations. In physical terms, the use of force is usually associated with military weapons and personnel. Considerable debate surrounds the legitimacy of the use of force in various situations. At a minimum, force should only be exerted if it is properly sanctioned through internationally recognised vehicles. Even the sanctioned use of force is not, however, universally accepted. To appropriate the term ‘force’ solely for military purposes represents a serious distortion, as it assumes that non-violent means are incapable of force.
Ideology
A comprehensive perspective or worldview that provides a general framework for action, interpretation, and conceptualisation. Ideology has been utilised to interpret the past, analyse events, and provide criteria for future and present action. In philosophical argumentation, it also acts as a logical construction to filter validity and truth, often relying, however, on some all-encompassing beliefs or assumptions. Ideology is most commonly associated with the general orientation of a group that upholds specific, identifiable ideas. Although usually viewed as concrete and discrete, ideologies often contain internal contradictions and multiple interpretations. Coined by the eighteenth-century French philosopher Destutt de Tracy, the term ‘ideology’ was intended to form and promote a new academic discipline of scrutinising ideas and sensations. Envisioned as a scientific and systematic form of analysis, the meaning of ideology, or the science of ideas, underwent a political transformation in the nineteenth century. The general study of various sets of ideas as a way of promoting a better understanding of human beings and their social interaction began to connote the classifications of the ideas themselves, which then became the targets of condemnation and attack. Likely the most well known (although theoretically ambiguous) promotion of ideology is attributed to Karl Marx, although his conceptualisation is distinct and numerous interpretations have been offered. Marx used the term only sparingly in his own writings, but his imprint on politics, economics, and literature is undeniable.
Although some view ideology as discrete and neutral sets of ideas, often categorized as ‘isms’ for example, realism or contractarianism (the belief in the social contract)— understandings of ideology generally, and even of particular ideologies, fluctuate over time, context, and culture. Despite or regardless of such analytical variegations, others argue on more pragmatic grounds that the very concept of ideology cannot be neutral. Given its inherent political nature, ideology attempts simultaneously to explain and make sense of the world around us and to advocate actions or policies to be adopted by groups or societies, usually in face of some competing options. In prescribing behaviours and extolling supporting interpretations, such measures as logic, rhetoric, emotions, and even coercion may be invoked. More rigid and dogmatic ideologues, or promoters of specific ideologies, may additionally lead to one or some combination of the following: criticism of proponents of other ideologies; the promotion of illusions or falsehoods as a result of a monopolisation of truth; or an intended or initially manipulated means of domination. This need not necessarily be the case, as ideologies may also be flexible or empowering. In either instance, although individual dispositions may affect interpretations of aspects or components differently, ideology is essentially a group manifestation. ‘Ideologies compete over the control of political language as well as competing over plans for public policy’, according to Michael Freeden, and ‘indeed, their competition
over plans for public policy is primarily conducted through their competition over the control of political language’ (Freeden 2003: 55). Although by the middle of the twentieth century relative credence was granted to the ‘end of ideology’, the concept shows no indications of disappearing from the political landscape. In fact, since the 1970s, ideologies have experienced a resurgence, as demonstrated by environmentalism and globalism. Within the social sciences, various emphases differ on the role and importance of ideology, but underlying assumptions, beliefs, norms, and values are widely acknowledged as affecting political action in some manner.
Intervention
Requested or imposed unilateral or multilateral actions by external parties conducted in relation to an ongoing process between parties. Intervention assumes one of three forms: actions by external nation-states in pursuit of policy objectives or favourable conditions to achieve those objectives; actions taken to uphold internationally accepted values or laws; or efforts to alter the dynamics or outcomes of a process under way. The first type of intervention is widely understood as the unprovoked interference by one nation-state in the internal affairs of another. Such intervention is normally unilateral and coercive and includes an array of examples, such as military force, covert operations, dissemination of propaganda, or cultural domination. The
principle of non-intervention that has historically helped to define international relations generally deems such actions to be illegitimate. Recent developments in humanitarian intervention have, however, had the effect of condoning and in some cases encouraging external parties to become involved in the alleviation of suffering of peoples within a nation-state, geographic area, or region. In such cases, moral or legal concerns (such as protection of human rights) may overshadow other factors.
The second type of intervention—humanitarian intervention—is a tool available to the international community and is particularly encouraged where human suffering occurs at the hands of a host government or where the state system is unwilling to address such conditions. In cases where a nation-state is simply unable to relieve trauma and suffering, humanitarian intervention is often requested by the authorities in power. Successful intervention requires a secure geographical area within the region in question and, therefore, in instances of warfare, necessitates a military component to ensure a degree of security. Given increasing assumptions about the validity of humanitarian intervention and the growing establishment of standards for
implementation, non-interference in cases of severe human suffering or atrocities is now widely deemed unjustifiable.
The third form of intervention is typically referred to as third-party intervention, in which the external party attempts to either influence a party (or parties) involved in conflict engagement, conflict management, or conflict resolution or seeks to manipulate any such processes already under way. For further reading, see Nicholas Wheeler, Saving Strangers: Humanitarian Intervention in International Society (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2000).
Just war, theory of
A doctrine derivative from the work of Bishop Augustine of Hippo after the collapse of the Roman Empire that provides criteria for the decision to go to war (jus ad bellum) and guidelines for conducting war (jus in bello). The study of just war over the centuries has led to the development of several principles that have greatly influenced Western political thought and international law particularly. These include (1) that the war be a last resort—not to be entered into until all other means of resolution have been explored and found wanting; (2) that the decision to engage in war be made by a legitimate, duly constituted authority—not by aggrieved individuals; (3) that there be right intention and just cause—neither aggression nor revenge being acceptable— and that the detrimental results of war be unlikely to outweigh the intended injustices targeted for amelioration; (4) that success be reasonably attainable; and (5) that the
result of the envisioned peace be preferable to the situation that would pertain if the war were not fought. Conditions three through five are often referred to as the proportionality principles. Once a war is under way, the jus in bello principles ask that military means and the cost of war be proportional to a moral goal and the presumed benefits.
Mediation
A voluntary, informal, non-binding process undertaken with an external party that fosters the settlement of differences or demands between directly invested parties. Mediators often have a general interest in the resolution of a given conflict or dispute, but theoretically they are able to operate neutrally and objectively. Lacking the authority to coerce or impose judgements, conditions, or resolutions, such facilitators aim to transform the dynamics of the conflict situation by introducing new relevant knowledge or information, especially regarding the negotiation process between the disputants, and by revealing common interests and suggesting possible directions towards settlement. In acute situations, mediation acts as a means of facilitating communication, commonly termed ‘good offices’, through the consent of the vested parties that are unable to formulate mutually satisfactory resolutions on their own. The process is usually initiated by the intended external mediator—such as an international organisation, government, or non-governmental organisation—or by the relatively weaker party of the conflict. Mediators often spend time with each party to the conflict through what has come to be known as ‘shuttle diplomacy’, or ‘caucusing’, especially when the parties are unwilling to meet each other or joint meetings are not leading to progress. The contending parties nonetheless maintain considerable control over the process and the outcome. Two theories explain how mediation can be successful. The first focuses on the personal skills and characteristics of the mediator(s), and the other emphasises the environmental and contextual factors relevant to the conflict in question. In either case, assessing the process or agent of mediation can be difficult in that protracted conflicts often involve extended mediation efforts, which in turn entail multiple third parties and an ever-changing environment.
Meditation has a long, if informal, history. Examples can be cited from ancient Greece and the Bible and during early Chinese dynasties and the Persian Empire. In modern international relations, mediation first received explicit recognition during a conference held in The Hague in 1899. Although disarmament—the primary aim of the meeting—basically failed, the secondary goal sought ideas for settling international disputes. The latter resulted in a series of declarations focusing on resolving conflicts without resort to military weapons or exchanges. The statements argued for the use of adjudication, arbitration, and mediation.In traditional African mediation, the agent is a neutral and powerless.
Pacifism
A doctrine and historical school of thought that rejects war as the means of resolving conflict. Pacifism reflects several perspectives, all of which consider that conflicts should be settled through peaceful means. The term ‘pacifism’ is but a century old— having first been used in 1902 at the tenth Universal Peace Conference at Glasgow, Scotland—but the concept has existed for centuries. Persons choose pacifism for any number of reasons, including religious faith, non-spiritual conviction on the sanctity of human life, or practical belief that war is ineffective and obsolete. To some, pacifism includes action to promote justice and human rights in addition to opposition to war. Pacifism is often confused with non-violent resistance, but it is not a pre-condition for the practice of non-violent struggle as a form of engagement in conflicts.
A differentiation must be made between the morality of pacifism as practiced by an individual and the application of such morality to the behaviour of a society. Failure to appreciate this difference can lead to problems in discussing pacifism. An absolute pacifist may believe that it is never right to take part in war, even in self-defence, and that human life is so valuable that nothing justifies killing another person intentionally. Conditional pacifists oppose war and violence in principle, yet recognise that there may be circumstances when war is the least bad option. Selective pacifists believe that pacifism is a matter of degree and may oppose wars involving weapons of mass destruction—atomic, nuclear, chemical, and biological— because of the significance of such devastating weapons or because a war utilizing such weaponry is not ‘winnable’. Pacifists are often deeply involved in political efforts to promote peace and argue against particular wars. Some pacifists refuse to fight. Others will take part in non-combat activities that seek to reduce the harm of war, such as attending the wounded, bearing stretcher, or driving ambulances. Still others refuse to take part in any activity that might support a war. Some pacifists have chosen punishment, even execution, rather than go to war. Many democratic countries accept the principle that citizens have the right of conscientious objection to military service, but they usually expect the objector to undertake public service as an alternative.
Pacifism is as much a factor in Western thinking as the theory of just war, yet pacifism as national policy is rare. The ideals of pacifism, however, have played an important part in twentieth-century international politics and inform the work of the United Nations. Pacifism surged in reaction to the horrors of World War I and universal male conscription, and it gained renewed support after the advent of nuclear weapons. The Holocaust of World War II, however, and other gross abuses of human rights, have caused many to reconsider whether war is not sometimes the least objectionable course of action. Two major pacifist organisations that emerged from World War I are still at work: the International Fellowship of Reconciliation and the War Resisters League.
Some religions, including Buddhism, promote pacifism. Others, for example Christianity, have strong pacifist roots but have accepted the possibility of war and seek to provide moral guidance in decision making concerning war and in its conduct. The ‘historic peace churches’ have long propounded pacifism and are sometimes known as ‘prophetic minorities’. These include the Society of Friends (Quakers), Anabaptists of the sixteenth century, the Mennonites, and the Brethren. Judaism is historically opposed to violence and has traditionally considered that where force is necessary, the minimum should be used.
Peace
A political condition that ensures justice and social stability through formal and informal institutions, practices, and norms. Several conditions must be met for peace to be reached and maintained:
a. balance of political power among the various groups within a society, region, or,
most ambitiously, the world
b. legitimacy for decision makers and implementers of decisions in the eyes of their
respective group, as well as those of external parties, duly supported through transparency and accountability
c. recognised and valued interdependent relationships among groups fostering
long-term cooperation during periods of agreement, disagreement, normality,
and crisis
d. reliable and trusted institutions for resolving conflicts
e. sense of equality and respect, in sentiment and in practice, within and without
groups and in accordance with international standards
f. mutual understanding of rights, interests, intents, and flexibility despite
incompatibilities
Notoriously elusive, peace connotes more than a mere absence of war or hostilities; an absence of conflict is impossible. In addition, the state of peace should be distinguished from techniques that simply avoid conflicts or employ violent or coercive approaches to engage in, manage, or resolve them.
Deriving from the Latin pax, peace in the Western world is generally considered a contractual relationship that implies mutual recognition and agreement. Understandings of peace throughout the world often disclose a much deeper comprehension of peace in relation to the human condition, which also includes inner peace. The comprehensive understanding of peace outlined above extends beyond what are referred to as positive conceptions of peace but acts in accordance with them as well. This contrasts with negative conceptions of peace, which are described most commonly as the mere absence of war or violent conflict. For further reading, see Johan Galtung, ‘Cultural violence’, Journal of Peace Research,
27:3 (1990), 291–305.
Peace building
Policies, programs, and associated efforts to restore stability and the effectiveness of social, political, and economic institutions and structures in the wake of a war or some other debilitating or catastrophic event. Peace building generally aims to create and ensure the conditions for ‘negative peace’, the mere absence of violent conflict engagement, and for ‘positive peace’, a more comprehensive understanding related to the institutionalisation of justice and freedom. The UN peace building operations in Namibia in 1978 were then understood primarily as a form of post-conflict reconstruction. The conceptualisation of peace building, however, has since expanded, as can be seen in the 1992 and 1995 editions of former UN secretary-general Boutros Boutros-Ghali’s An Agenda for Peace. Although speaking in relation to post-conflict situations, Boutros-Ghali (1995:15) identified a range of peace-building programmes, including ‘co-operative projects that not only contribute to economic and social development but also enhance the confidence that is so fundamental to peace’. More specifically, he mentions activities focusing on agriculture, transportation, resource management, cultural exchanges, educational projects, and simplification of visa regimes. That there exists a connexion between security and development is an accepted tenet in peace building, and the implications of this mutually reinforcing relationship are extensive. The United Nations has launched several initiatives that involve elements of peace building, including the Peacebuilding Support Offices under the Department of Political Affairs, first operative in Liberia in the late 1990s and later in Guinea-Bissau and the Central African Republic. Yet, peace building involves a wide range of international donors, aid agencies, and international, regional, community, and grassroots civil society organisations. Such initiatives have revolved around several foci. The following represents a small selection of them: • assisting an end to military or violent exchanges through the decommissioning of arms, the demobilisation of combatants, and rehabilitation and reintegration programmes
• providing humanitarian relief to victims
• protecting human rights
• ensuring security and related services
• generating an environment of trust in order for social relations to function properly
• establishing non-violent modes of resolving present and future conflicts
• fostering reconciliation among the various parties to a conflict
• providing psycho-social or trauma healing services to victims of severe atrocities
• repatriating refugees and resettling internally displaced persons
• aiding in economic reconstruction
• building and maintaining the operation of institutions to provide such services, and
• co-ordinating the roles of numerous internal and external parties involved in such interrelated
efforts
Although isolated or partial elements of such a conception of peace building have been implemented to alleviate the consequences of past wars and acute conflicts, the integration of this complex model of processes is a relatively new phenomenon. The changing nature of war, and the increasing frequency of wars within nationstates as opposed to between them, has also complicated peace-building initiatives. To date, no comprehensive formula for peace building exists. Such efforts have been developed and implemented mostly on an ad hoc basis, and they vary widely from case to case in accordance with local and temporal circumstances.
As an extremely broad concept—encompassing democracy, development, gender, human rights, and justice—peace building can be thought of as a bridge from conflict resolution to ‘positive peace’. Peace building aims to create and foster stability and adequate functioning of a region or society. Attempts to refine and implement peace building have encountered several difficulties, including the following:
• failures to address the underlying or root causes of the conflict
• lack of legitimacy in the eyes of recipients and target groups, particularly in relation to newly
formed institutions
• lack of agreement over the acceptance of roles and implementation of responsibilities by all
parties to the conflict
• limits on leadership in times of political transition or extreme crisis
• over-reliance on external parties
• aspirations to build a society that functions generally better than it did prior to the conflict
In addition to noting such complications, practitioners and commentators have raised theoretical criticisms and questions as well. First, the activities of relief and development have usually been conducted and studied separately, and their intersections are not well defined. Peace building bridges this traditional divide, but a reformulation is needed for integrating the theory and practice of these interconnected disciplines. Second, peace building seems to suggest long-term,
extensive effort and commitment by parties to the conflict and external partners. Conceptualising a timeframe for such efforts has generated considerable debate. Third, peace building is often understood as the final phase of a conflict, yet some argue that such processes can begin in the midst of a violent conflict. Fourth, the importance of gender in relation to conflict and peace building continues to be overlooked, often completely. The sufferings resulting from conflict affect men and women differently and their subsequent roles in peace building differ as well.
In today’s conflicts, 85% of victims are civilians of which the majority.
Peace enforcement
Operations undertaken to end military or violent exchanges or acts of aggression, with or without the consent of one or more parties to the conflict, to create a permanent and viable environment and guarantees for such conditions. Peace enforcement is typically associated with the employment of military forces in order minimally to generate ‘negative peace’, or the absence of violent conflict engagement. Such activities are usually considered as a phase in more extensive operations, including peacekeeping and peace building, but attempts to distinguish and define the interplay among such initiatives remain controversial. Although peace enforcement is predominantly understood in terms of military interventions, a broader interpretation includes the use of a wide range of collectively enacted sanctions by any party to a given conflict in order to end the violent hostilities.
A general set of objectives for such an operation may include the following:
• forcible compliance of cease fires
• separation of belligerents
• isolation of a particular party or parties to the conflict
• establishment of buffer zones or safe havens
• decommissioning of arms and demobilisation of combatants
• protection of human rights
• assistance with humanitarian aid
The difficulty of conceptualising ‘peace enforcement’ is exacerbated by the legal interpretations that define the mandates, means, and evaluations of operations. Chapter VII of the UN Charter is commonly cited as providing the legal provisos of peace enforcement operations. Arguments have been put forward, however, on behalf of Articles 42, 43, and 47. Until recently, peace enforcement operations have typically been led and commanded by specified members of the United Nations, although the forces themselves are normally multinational and rotational. Efforts
have been increased to ensure the neutrality of forces so as not to precipitate or encourage the pursuit of strategic or other interests on the part of those intervening or their respective governments. During the cold war, the stipulations for peace enforcement primarily lay dormant,
with some limited exceptions, including in Korea (1950–52) and in the Congo (1960–63). The 1990s saw a considerable expansion of peace enforcement operations and a concurrent growth of interest in refinement of its theory and practice. Recent examples include northern Iraq (1991), Angola (1991–94), Liberia (1992–93), Bosnia (1992–95), Somalia (1992–95), Haiti (1993–94), Rwanda (1994–96), Zaire (1995– 96), and Kosovo (the southernmost province of the former Yugoslavia) (1999). As a result, confusion and deficiencies emerged in this expanded interpretation as well as perplexity over peacekeeping operations and peace building. Nonetheless, the protection of civilians has remained the essential element of all peace enforcement operations, and failures to accomplish this most basic provision have generated extensive criticism, particularly regarding Rwanda and Bosnia.
Peace studies
An interdisciplinary field of study with varying themes and foci, including but not limited to analysis of conflict, management of conflict, and resolution of conflict; non-violent sanctions; peace paradigms, peace building, peacekeeping, and peace enforcement; social and economic justice; war’s causes and conduct; and a variety of conceptions of international and domestic security. The field of peace studies is one of the fastest growing disciplines within the social sciences. Carolyn Stephenson identifies three ‘waves’ of peace studies. The first began in the 1930s, with quantitative studies of industrial conflict and war, and was largely academically driven. The second occurred in the 1960s. It broadened the field to include the study of the impact of forms of violence and injustice. At this time peace research moved assuredly into classrooms in certain parts of the world. The third wave emerged in the 1980s and was influenced more by movements and organizations than by academia and pedagogues (Klare and Thomas 1989). The field has its richest history in Scandinavia, where universities have had peace studies since the nineteenth century.
Peace research is a constituent element of peace studies. As in peace studies, persons involved in peace research rarely desire to produce knowledge for its own sake. They usually aim to bring about or consolidate peace. Moreover, those involved in peace research need not necessarily be academicians, as innumerable successes and insights are attributable to the work of non-governmental organizations. Particularly in Africa, some of the most useful work is a by-product of collaboration between scholars and community organizations. Action research is an approach within peace research in which the researcher abandons a detached stance and becomes part of
the programme team. He or she is therefore able to give rapid feedback, often solving problems in the course of conducting research.
Indeed, while numerous examples have been cited over thes been used to provo
Peacekeeping
The maintenance of public security, civil services, and cease-fire agreements in war and conflict zones by UN or regional military, police, and civilian forces with the consent of the nation-state on whose territory these forces are deployed.
Peacekeeping involves co-ordinated efforts to ensure stability and relative normalcy in the aftermath of otherwise extremely volatile and chaotic situations. Chapter VI of the UN Charter outlines the objectives of peacekeeping and serves as the international mandate. The extended goal is to create conditions conducive to establishing lasting political settlements. The scope of peacekeeping activities has gradually broadened over the years, leading to what some observers call ‘mission creep’. Such commentaries particularly point to the civilian and humanitarian activities conducted by peacekeepers, such as food distribution, transportation and other basic services, and establishing safe havens. At a minimum, peacekeeping operations are to be conducted by troops and led by countries neutral to the conflict, and they are dependent upon some degree of consent by contingent parties.
The activities of peacekeepers usually fall within four partially distinct spheres, or what are referred to as ‘types’. The first, or type I, involves observance where a ceasefire has been brokered. Such symbolic missions are often sent to act as deterrents against renewed violent conflict, as troops are lightly armed and not mandated to retaliate in the event of attack against them or civilians. Type II operations are conducted to aid or ensure political transitions. Such missions are most successful when the troops are deemed legitimate by the citizens of the society in which they are deployed and when they are provided adequate resources and scope of action. Where some form of military intervention is considered necessary, Type III peacekeeping operations are performed; these are more commonly categorised as ‘peace enforcement’. Type IV operations are generally associated with ‘peace building’, or ‘post-conflict reconstruction’. Extensive debate and confusion surround the legal and practical distinctions among these missions, as well as the increasing tendency of regional organisations to assume peacekeeping roles. Several key issues remain controversial: formulating mandates, defining the rules of engagement, establishing command structures, and designating responsibility for initial action.
Efforts resembling peacekeeping missions were launched by the United Nations prior to 1950, including the UN Special Mission on the Balkans (UNSCOB), the UN Truce Supervision Organization (UNTO) to oversee the truce in the Middle East, and the UN Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP) sent to Jammu and Kashmir. Not until 1956, however, did the term ‘peacekeeping’ first come into usage; it was coined in reference to the UN Emergency Force (UNEF1) sent to the Suez Canal. The conceptualisation was due largely to Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld. From 1949 to 1988, the United Nations launched an additional seven peacekeeping missions, and in 1990 it had eight peacekeeping operations underway involving approximately 10,000 troops. At the end of 2000, the United Nations oversaw fifteen deployments involving nearly 38,000 troops. The number of peacekeeping operations undertaken between 1988 and 2000 totalled forty when combining UN deployments with those of the several regional organisations, such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
Political power
The summation of means, influences, and pressures available to a government, institution, group, or individual that are exploited to achieve respective objectives or to change targeted conditions. Political power may be exerted positively, in the form of incentives, or negatively, as in various types of sanctions. Domestic and international relations are influenced and at times dictated by the relative political power among parties. The attainment of political power is often a source of conflict in itself. Differentials in political power can be a crucial factor in determining the outcomes of disputes, but in such situations the underlying causes of the conflict in question are often purposefully ignored. Groups are often unaware of their full power capacity, creating distorted assumptions of the balance of power among contending parties. Shifts in power relationships can occur through a full realisation of political power or structural changes within or among societies.
Refugee
A person seeking asylum based on the likelihood of persecution or imminent harm in his or her home country due to race, religion, nationality, ethnicity, social membership, political opinion, or knowledge. Refugees commonly flee from war and its subsequent conditions and are unable to receive protection from their home nation-state. Considerable debate surrounds whether refugee status must involve one or both of the following conditions: impending persecution of select individuals or groups and the inability of a state system to provide protection to such persons or groups. What constitutes ‘protection’ is contested as well. Does it involve, for instance, the provision of public order and subsistence or mere survival? The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) offers protective auspice for refugees.
Sanctions
Penalties threatened or imposed by a government, institution, organisation, or group on a targeted party for actual or anticipated failure to act in accordance with standards, obligations, or expectations. As countenance or encouragement, forms of sanctions may range from the political to the economic to the cultural. Punitive sanctions similarly have great variety. Economic sanctions include embargoes and prohibition of foreign aid. Political sanctions may target diplomatic links or international organisational participation. Cultural sanctions may limit educational exchanges and involvement in sporting events. Implementation may be unilateral or multilateral, comprehensive or selective, and initiated by official authorities or civil society organisations, although in common usage the term ‘sanctions’ is often used to describe penalties imposed among nation-states. In all cases, sanctions are enacted to coerce the party in question and influence its behaviour. The latent effects of punitive sanctions are widely debated, particularly concerning the detriment to civilians affected in undemocratic societies, because they are often unable to influence policy in their own country or may have been weakened by opposing the targeted regime. Selective sanctions are increasingly used to target specific personnel and élites, thereby limiting the effects on the general population.
Social contract
The notion that individuals and nation-states tacitly agree to a set of mutually binding stipulations and obligations. The social contract has long served as a philosophical foundation for understanding modern conceptions of citizenship and constitutionalism, whereby individuals willingly submit some of their personal freedoms to political authority in return for the general benefit of all members of a given society. So-called contractarians—theorists and commentators of the social contract—are ultimately concerned with the following three elements: the circumstances under which the contract came into force; the constraints associated with the situation when the contract was accepted; and a theory of rational choice to understand why parties agree to the specific elements of the contract. Although more a theoretical construction than an historical occurrence, the social contract has served to explain fundamental aspects of modern societies, the protection of human rights, the distribution of particular goods and services, and the formulation and institutionalisation of social and political relationships. The failure of a party to the social contract to uphold its responsibilities may not only lead to a breakdown of any of the aforementioned assurances, but also to a complete undermining of the entire contract itself and thereby of fundamental demarcations. In such cases, the original parties may seek to reformulate the contract or completely opt out, and the role and responsibility of third parties, although contentious, can be influential as well. The origins of the concept of the social contract are rooted in the Scottish Enlightenment, with indebtedness to the Protestant Reformation.
The term ‘civil society’ has been employed from then until the contemporary era in the context of mutual rights and responsibilities defined by a social contract. Writing in the eighteenth century, John Locke considered the most significant rights to be the protection of property rights and the right of individuals (by which he meant men, but not women) to withdraw from any contract that does not protect life, liberty, and property. Left to nature, asserted Locke and Thomas Hobbes, writing fifty years earlier, human beings would sink into war, because conflicting natural rights would produce scarcity, unless each person were to give up some natural rights or transfer them to an external authority through a social contract. Thus, the social contract is in essence the foundation of civil society, ratifying the associations of individuals as a system of restraint. Today, the concept of the social contract knows no regional
boundaries, as its basic ideas have transcended virtually all political demarcations. From the mid-nineteenth century onwards, the distinction between civil society and the state became more tactically applied, with a view towards political justification by oppositional social movements. The path-finding conception that independent sectors within a civil society can defend themselves against a state, as provided in a social contract, took form in the French and American revolutionary controversies
Strategy
The activity, process, or plan to attain desired objectives or goals as efficiently as possible, usually in the face of or in competition with others who are developing and implementing similar activities. Strategy is essentially the application of means to attain desired ends. Here, means are expressed widely, suggesting available or retrievable political, economic, social, and psychological resources.
The term ‘strategy’ derives indirectly from the Greek strategos, or general. In modern usage a comparable equivalent is strategike episteme, or generals’ knowledge. Although the use of strategy is most frequent in connection with warfare, the concept permeates politics and other fields, where the logic remains the same. Strategy focuses on questions of how, when, and where and determines how the subsequent answers are interdependently formulated. Strictly speaking, it is understood as direct or indirect competition with others. Three broad forms can be identified: offensive, defensive, and deterrent. Offensive strategies pertain to seeking objectives actively through initiative. Defensive strategies involve denying the accomplishment of the objectives of an opponent. Deterrent strategies aim to persuade an adversary to abandon pursuit of objectives in light of the estimated or perceived cost of such pursuit. Successful strategies may be informed by the politics, ethics, and culture of the context and the party responsible for development and implementation.henstrategy is less than fully realized it does not a
Terrorism
Violent actions inflicted upon secondary targets that may be conducted by an individual, group, or government with the wider purpose of attracting attention, gaining support, or forcing concessions from the primary target on personal or political issues. Perpetrators of terrorism normally select, either purposefully or indiscriminately, illegitimate secondary targets—that is, non-combatants and civilians—and target them with bombings, hijackings, and other violently coercive methods. These targets are ‘intermediaries’ used by terrorists to manipulate the primary target and subsequently to achieve an objective. A dominant theory regarding terrorism holds that such actions are employed in expectation that a harsher reaction by the primary target will in turn generate support for the issues espoused by the terrorists. Deriving from the Latin terrere, meaning ‘to frighten’, in a political sense terror was first used to describe the methods of the French revolutionary government against its adversaries. From September 1793 to July 1794, while embroiled in civil and foreign wars, the revolutionary government in France decided by decree to make ‘terror’ the order of the day and to use harsh reprisals against the aristocracy, priests, and other suspected enemies of the revolution. A wave of executions known as the Reign of Terror followed. Although states continue to employ terrorism, the concept of state terrorism is generally understood as a nation-state that supports or condones activities as described above, not one that conducts such operations.
Revolutionaries in czarist Russia first developed terrorism as a technique of waging war in the 1870s. The term ‘international terrorism’ denotes actions conducted by groups outside the country of their origin, residence, or the location from which their activities are co-ordinated. Terrorism primarily involves semi-clandestine groups opposed to their home government or an external one. Terrorists have adopted numerous organisational structures, from single- or two person operations to durable, identifiable groups or clandestine, solvent cells. Al- Qai‘da, or The Base, has developed a modern structure often described as a ‘network’, with the dispersion of affiliated but autonomous individuals over vast expanses of territory organised as ‘sleeper cells’. Operating with minimal communications, the well-trained members of these cells are afforded the opportunity to rehearse, and then they disperse after completing their missions. Such factors necessitate greater time and effort in planning, but also make possible larger operations with higher mortalities. Some groups that employ acts of terrorism reject the stigma attached to this method of conflict engagement that is widely considered illegitimate and egregious. This is especially true in cases where terrorism is one of several techniques employed and the overall objectives are widely believed to be legitimate and worthwhile. Nonetheless, the method usually overshadows the issues.
Truth (and reconciliation) commission
A temporary fact-finding body that aims to elucidate past human rights violations and war crimes and address issues of reparation and rehabilitation. The ultimate objective of truth commissions is to create conditions that lead to healing from suffered losses or injuries and which foster stability and reconstruction. Such commissions are normally empowered to grant partial amnesty in exchange for full testimony by witnesses and suspects. To date, nineteen truth commissions have been established worldwide.
Treaty
A legally binding written agreement of mutual relations that is ratified by two or more nation-states or other internationally recognised subjects. Treaties are developed by co-operative production of drafts by authorized agents, adoption of a final text, authentication through designated signatories, ratification through respective constitutional procedures, and enactment as a binding force. International treaties today are legally founded on the principle of pacta sunt servanda (pacts made in good faith shall be observed). Outside international jurisprudence, treaties, particularly in Africa, once were enforced by the swearing of oaths
War crimes
Violations of the laws of war or recognised customs and conventions for the engagement or conclusion of them. Most war crimes are perpetrated against noncombatant and civilian populations and include murder, torture, deportation, rape, the taking of hostages, and forced labour. Such acts are also considered war crimes when perpetrated upon prisoners of war and refugees. In addition, war crimes include plundering, unjustified destruction of public or private property, the use of certain weapons, and improper usage of symbols of truce. Although trials for war crimes date back at least to the fifteen century under the Holy Roman Empire, the most comprehensive (though incomplete) modern definition of war crimes is outlined in Article 6 of the 1945 Charter of the International Military Tribunal. It sets forth two categories: crimes against humanity and crimes against peace. The International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg, held during 1945 and 1946 to prosecute Germans for their role in World War II, refined the definition of such acts and illustrated their criminality. Conducted on an ad hoc basis, this tribunal was dissolved immediately following the announcement of its conclusions, having found several men guilty and imposing the death penalty on them. Since then, capital punishment has been replaced in favour of imprisonment. Accused war criminals must be granted a fair trial under supranational or national juridical pronouncements. In this sense, the Nuremberg Tribunal set the stage for the intensive efforts to create an international criminal court with jurisdiction over all war crimes. Nonetheless, indictment on the supranational level does not preclude proceedings before national justice systems.
War
A mutually recognised, hostile exchange of actions among two or more parties (such as between or within nation-states) conducted by conventional military forces, paramilitary forces, or guerrillas to achieve respective policy objectives. Warfare assumes a degree of continuity until such objectives are accomplished or a party concedes or is defeated.
A state of war normally carries legal parameters governed by internationally recognised rules of engagement and conduct. For example, the initiation of war customarily requires some form of official or unofficial declaration, and conclusions to war are usually facilitated by formal agreements among the belligerents. Such declarations enable war to be ‘officially’ under way even when no military manoeuvres have been undertaken. In an effort to afford some minimum principles of humanity in relation to war, the Geneva Conventions, adopted in 1949 and augmented by the Geneva Protocol in 1977, outline conditions on the treatment of combatants, prisoners of war, and civilians; protection of medical and religious facilities and practitioners;
and restrictions of certain types of weapons.
Encounters in war may assume a range of forms and employ various types of weapons, depending on the capacities of the parties to the hostilities. Examples include the use of nuclear, chemical, and conventional arsenals, among many others. Explanations and justifications for war have led to numerous categorisations and terms, for example ‘total war’, ‘civil war’, ‘ethnic war’, ‘proxy way’, and ‘wars of selfdetermination’. Historical trends in warfare are changing: human, environmental, and economic costs are rising along with the number of civilian casualties. The geographic areas involved in actual battles are widening, and the number of battles per year is increasing. On average, however, wars are becoming shorter. The absolute size
of armies is increasing, as well as their size relative to their respective general populations. Lower proportions of combatants are injured, with a concurrent rise in the casualties of civilians. Also, wars now spread to additional belligerents more swiftly than in the past. Since World War II, the frequency of ‘low-intensity’ conflicts, revolutions, counter-revolutions, and proxy wars has risen.
Weapons of mass destruction (WMD)
Any weapon capable of horrific human or material destruction. Weapons of mass destruction may be nuclear, chemical, biological, or radiological. The acronym abc is sometimes used to refer specifically to atomic, biological, and chemical weapons. The term ‘weapons of mass destruction’ is literally translated from Russian. Since its inception into the English language, it has remained vague, imprecise, and ambiguous.
Non-violent action
A technique of conflict engagement or prosecution that aims to achieve political objectives through the imposition of sanctions and various supporting methods excluding physical, violent acts. Non-violent action constitutes a vast array of political, economic, social, and psychological methods that can be categorised into three main classes: protest and persuasion, non-cooperation, and intervention. Non-violent action involves two fundamental forms of activities: omission and commission. It operates on the precept that all political symbiotic relationships require varying degrees of obedience, cooperation, or acquiescence, which are manifested through identifiable sources. The supply of these sources is not guaranteed, and it can be purposefully withdrawn. As a result, shifts can occur in the power relations among the parties involved in the conflict. Non-violent action is also termed ‘non-violent struggle’, ‘non-violent resistance’, ‘direct action’, ‘civil resistance’, and ‘political defiance’. In the past, scholars sometimes differentiated between ‘principled’ and ‘practical’ nonviolence. This is a false dichotomy no longer in use, as ample historical evidence shows that non-violent direct action is principled as well as practical.
Force
The application or threat of coercion within the context of international relations. In physical terms, the use of force is usually associated with military weapons and personnel. Considerable debate surrounds the legitimacy of the use of force in various situations. At a minimum, force should only be exerted if it is properly sanctioned through internationally recognised vehicles. Even the sanctioned use of force is not, however, universally accepted. To appropriate the term ‘force’ solely for military purposes represents a serious distortion, as it assumes that non-violent means are incapable of force.
Non-Violent Change
This aspect highlights the use of effective communication and drama in conflict resolution and management. Drawing from similar examples in Brazil, Peru, Bolivia, etc., this section uses the Theatre for Development (Community Theatre) methodology as a tool in peace and conflict resolution within its parameter as a tool of non-violent change through action/speech, effective dialogue and communication.
African Traditional Methods of Conflict Resolution
This aspect focuses on indigenous African methods/techniques of conflict resolution. These include institutions and methods used in pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial periods. Some of these include the utility of traditional institutions/rulers,the Oyomesi in the old oyo empire, the Gacacacourts in Rwanda and Ubuntu in South Africa, among others.
Civilian-based defense
A policy designed to accomplish a full range of defensive objectives, including deterrence as well as preparations to defend against internal and external acts of aggression. The term is quite literal, indicating planned defense by citizens (as opposed to military personnel). Various methods of non-violent resistance are employed in place of military or paramilitary operations. Successful non-military civilian defense requires that general populations be provided with appropriate training, equipment, and funding to enact the policy. Such civilian defense has only been adopted in limited cases and degrees. It works as follows: in the face of an attack, invasion,
or military occupation, civilian defenders work to deny their opponent’s objectives. Through non-cooperation measures, political defiance, and control of key social and political institutions, they make it difficult or impossible for their home country or territory to be ruled by the aggressor. Civilian-based defense has also been variously referred to as ‘civil resistance’, ‘non-military defense’, ‘non-violent defence’, and ‘social defense’. An example of this is the civilian joint task force (JTF) used by the Nigerian military against the book haram insurgent in North East Nigeria.
Sanctions
Penalties threatened or imposed by a government, institution, organisation, or group on a targeted party for actual or anticipated failure to act in accordance with standards, obligations, or expectations. As countenance or encouragement, forms of sanctions may range from the political to the economic to the cultural. Punitive sanctions similarly have great variety. Economic sanctions include embargoes and prohibition of foreign aid. Political sanctions may target diplomatic links or international organisational participation. Cultural sanctions may limit educational exchanges and involvement in sporting events. Implementation may be unilateral or multilateral, comprehensive or selective, and initiated by official authorities or civil society organizations, although in common usage the term ‘sanctions’ is often used to describe penalties imposed among nation-states. In all cases, sanctions are enacted to coerce the party in question and influence its behaviour. The latent effects of punitive sanctions are widely debated, particularly concerning the detriment to civilians affected in undemocratic societies, because they are often unable to influence policy in their own country or may have been weakened by opposing the targeted regime. Selective sanctions are increasingly used to target specific personnel and élites, thereby limiting the effects on the general population.
Security
A subjective state in which an individual or collectivity feels free from threats, anxiety, or danger. Such insecurities have typically been defined in relation to nation-states, for example regarding borders or institutions responsible for governance. Security stands along a continuum and, therefore, cannot be understood in absolute terms. Given relative perceptions, reaching or maintaining security is almost always a contentious matter, subject to shifting perceptions. To ensure security at the national level, governments must trust their ability to deter attacks or to defend against them. Such capacity has centred historically on the uses of military power among nationstates. Given the subjective nature of defining security, obvious difficulties arise.
A range of activities have consequently resulted in the name of security, including expansionist policies, wars of conquest, armaments races, acts of intervention, preemptive military action, and the formation of alliances. Governments have traditionally been solely responsible for providing their own security, commonly called strategic security. More recently, a reconceptualisation of security has been put forward under the rubric of collective security. This reformulation rests upon an understanding that security threats are not necessarily political in nature, although the repercussions of such threats eventually may call for political solutions. For instance, environmental problems have not usually been incorporated in definitions of security, yet the political repercussions from environmental degradation are increasingly being realised. This evolution is linked to the increasing tendency of threats in societies to arise from internal rather than external factors. In turn, the responsibility of formulating and implementing security strategy and policy has expanded to include proponents outside government organs and bodies, and the nation-state is no longer the sole unit to be protected. Societies and individuals have become the primary concern. This expanding doctrine includes the coinage of new terminology, such as ‘human security’, ‘common security’, ‘co-operative security’, ‘democratic security’, ‘environmental security’, and ‘preventive security.
REFERENCES
Patrick Chabal and Jean-Pascal Daloz, Africa Works: Disorderas Political Instrument (Oxford, James Curry, 1999).
Michael Freeden, Ideologies and Political Theory: A Conceptual Approach (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1996).
Aboagye, C. E. (1999), ECOMOG: A Subregional Experience in Conflict Resolution, Management and Peacekeeping in Liberia, Accra, Ghana: Sedco Enterprise.
Barash, David P. ed., (2000): Approaches to Peace: A reader in peace studies New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Adam Roberts, Civilian Resistance as a National Defence: Non-violent Action against Aggression (Middlesex, England, Pelican Books, 1969).
Bellamy, Alex, Williams, Paul and Griffin, S. (2004) Understanding Peacekeeping (Cambridge: Polity Press).
Best, S. G. (ed.), Introduction to Peace and Conflict Studies in West Africa (329-349).Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited.
Best, S. G. (ed.), (2008).Causes and Effects of Conflicts in the Southern Zone of Plateau State, Nigeria, Ibadan:JOHN ACHERS (publishers) Ltd.
Best, S. G. (ed.), (2011).Religion and Post Conflict Peacebuilding in Nigeria, Ibadan: JOHN ACHERS (Publishers) Ltd.
Boutros Boutros-Ghali, An Agenda for Peace, Preventive Diplomacy, Peacemaking and Peacekeeping, UN Document A/47/277-S/2411, 17 June 1992, paragraph 20.
Cilliars, J. and Malan, M., (1997). ‘South Africa and Regional Peacekeeping’ World Politics, 18th ed. USA: Duskin/McGraw-Hill.
Cilliers, J. and Mills G., (ed.). (1999). From Peacekeeping to Complex Emergencies: Peace Support Missions in Africa, The South African Institute of International Affairs, Johannesburg and the Institute of Security Studies, Pretoria, SAIIA and ISS.
Corum, J. S. (1995). ‘Operational Problems in Peacekeeping and Humanitarian Operations’
in Cilliers, J. and Greg Mills (ed.), Peacekeeping in Africa, Johannesburg: IDP & SAIA.
Croker, C. A., &Hampson, F. O. (eds.) with Aall, P. (2001): Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict Washington, D. C.: United States Institute of Peace Press.
Daniel, D. C. F. and Bradd C. Hayes (1996).Beyond Traditional Peacekeeping, New York:
St. Martins Press.
Diehl, P. F. (1987) ‘When Peacekeeping Does Not Lead to Peace: Some Notes on Conflict Resolution, Bulletin of Peace Proposals 18, No. 1. Diehl, P. F. and Chetan Kumar (1992) United Nations Peacekeeping Operations: Some WinWin Applications, Urbana, IL: Program in Arms Control, Disarmament, and International Security, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.
Durch, W. J. ed. (1993).The Evolution of UN Peacekeeping: Case Studies and Comparative Analysis. New York: St. Martins Press.20
Druckman, D. (2005): Doing Research: Methods of Inquiry for Conflict Analysis, Thousand Oaks, London, New Delhi: SAGE Publications.
Ejiga, G. O. (1996). ‘Analysis of Operational Aspects of the OAU Peacekeeping in Chad’ M.A. Vogt and L.S. Aminu (ed.), Peacekeeping as a Security Strategy in Africa: Chad and Liberia as Case Studies, Enugu, Fourth Dimension Publishing Co. Ltd.
Fetherston, A.B., Oliver Ramsbotham, and Tom Woodhouse (1997) ‘UNPROFOR: Some Observations from a Conflict Resolution Perspective’ International Peacekeeping Londn: Frank Cass. Fetherston, A.B., (1994). Towards a Theory of United Nations Peacekeeping, London, Macmillan Press.
Galtung, Johan, (1906): Peace by Peaceful Means: Peace and Conflict, Development and Civilization London: International Peace Research Institute
Groom, A. J. R. (1990): “Paradigms in Conflicts: the strategist, the conflict researcher and the peace researcher” in J. Burton and F. Duke (eds.) Conflict: Readings in Management and Resolution, London: Macmillan.
Jeong, Ho-Won, ed. (1999): Conflict Resolution Dynamics, Processes and Structures Aldershot: Ashgate Jeong, (2000): The New Agenda for Peace Research, Institute for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, Virginia: George Mason University Fax.
Lederach, J. P. (1997): Building Peace: Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided Societies, Washington, U.S.A.: United States Institute for Peace.
Johan, G. (1969): “Violence and Peace Research” Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 3
Murphy, Sean D. (1996): Humanitarian Intervention: The United Nations in and Evolving World Order Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press
Organization of African Unity (2000): Rwanda: The Preventable Genocide, July 7 [Online] Available at http://www.oau-oua.org/Document/ipep/report/Rwanda-e/EN-III-T.htm.
United Nations (1999): Report of the Secretary-General to the Security Council on the Protection of Civilians in Armed Conflict, UN Doc. No. S/1999/957, 8 September.
United Nations 1995, Report of the Secretary-General on the Work of the Organization: Supplement to an Agenda for Peace, UN Doc. A/50/60-S1995/1, 3 January.
See also John Gerard Ruggie, “The UN and the Collective Use of Force: Whither or Whether?” International Peacekeeping, 3 (Winter 1996), 1, 421
Vogt, M. A. (1996). ‘The Management of Conflicts in Africa’, in Vogt, Margaret A. and L. S. Aninu (eds.) Peacekeeping as a Security Strategy in Africa: Chad and Liberia as Case Studies, Enugu, Fourth Dimension Publishing Co. Ltd.
Vogt, M. A. ed. (1992).The Liberian Crisis and ECOMOG: A Bold Attempt at Regional Peacekeeping, Lagos: Gambumo Press.
Zartman, I. W. (ed.), (2000). Traditional cures for modern conflicts: African Conflict “Medicine” Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc.
Abu-Nimer, Mohammed. 2003. Nonviolence and Peace Building in Islam: Theory and Practice. Gainesville: University of Florida Press.
Bangura, Abdul Karim. 2003. The peaceful tongue: the essence of language in peace studies. International Peace and Conflict Resolution Newsletter, Winter.
Blakley, Mike. 1999. Somalia. In The Costs of Conflict: Prevention and Cure in the Global Arena, ed. Michael E. Brown and Richard N. Rosecrance. Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers.
Boutros-Ghali, Boutros. 1995. An Agenda for Peace, 2nd rev. edn. New York: United Nations Department of Public Information.
Cheru, Fantu. 2002. African Renaissance: Roadmaps to the Challenge of Globalization. London: Zed Books. de la Boétie, Etienne. 1577. Repr. 1892. Discours de la Servitude Voluntaire. In
Oeuvres Completes d’Etienne de la Boétie. Paris: J. Rouam and Coe. Paris: J. Rouam and Coe.
Druckman, Daniel. 1993. An analytical research agenda for conflict and conflict resolution. In Conflict Resolution Theory and Practice: Integration and Application, ed. Dennis Sandole and Hugo van der Merwe. Manchester: Manchester University Press.
ECOSOC (Economic and Social Council Coordination Segment of the United Nations) Agreed Conclusions. 1997. http://www.un.org/womenwatch.osagi.pdf. ECOSOCAC1997.2.PDF
Freeden, Michael. 2003. Ideology: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Galama, Anneke, and Paul van Tongeren (eds.). 2002. Towards Better Peace building Practice: On Lessons Learned, Evaluation Practices and Aid and Conflict. Utrecht: European Centre for Conflict Prevention.
Gandhi, Mohandas K. 1928. Satyagraha in South Africa. Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House.
Griffin-Nolan, 1991. Witness for Peace: A Story of Resistance. Louisville, Kentucky: Westminster/John Knox Press.
Guevara, Che. 1985. Guerrilla Warfare. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Helton, Arthur C. 1994. The dilemmas of flight. In Rethinking Peace, ed. Robert Elias and Jennifer Turpin. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers.
Holsti, Ole R. 2004. Military alliances. In Encyclopedia of Government and Politics, 2nd edn, ed. Mary Hawkesworth and Maurice Kogan. London: Routledge.
Howard, Michael. 2001. Terrorism has always fed off its response: an indiscriminate American reaction would only reinforce her enemies. The Times, 14 September.
Jusu-Sheriff, Yasmin. 2004. Civil society. In West Africa’s Security Challenges: Building Peace in a Troubled Region, ed. Adekeye Adebajo and Ismail Rashid. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers.
Kaunda, Kenneth. 1980. The Riddle of Violence. San Francisco: Harper and Row. King, Mary. 2002. Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr.: The Power of Nonviolent Action. New Delhi: Indian Council on Cultural Relations and Mehta Publishers (Mehta House A-16, Naraina II, New Delhi 110 028, India).
Klare, Michael T., and Daniel C. Thomas (eds.). 1989. Peace and World Order Studies: A Curriculum Guide, 5th edn. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.
Kruegler, Christopher. 1997. Strategy. In Protest, Power and Change: An Encyclopedia of Nonviolent Action from ACT-UP to Women’s Suffrage, ed. Roger S. Powers and William B. Vogele. New York: Garland Publishing.
Lakeberg Dridi, Barbara A. 2004. Child-soldier rehabilitation and reintegration programs: effective antidotes to war? In The Quest for Peace in Africa: Transformations, Democracy and Public Policy, ed. Alfred G. Nhema. Addis Ababa: OSSREA.
Lederach, John Paul. 2002. Building Peace: Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided Societies. Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press.
Liddell Hart, Sir Basil Henry. 1991. Strategy, 2nd rev. edn. New York: Meridian. Luthuli, Albert. 1962. Let My People Go. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company.
Mwakikagile, Godfrey. 2001. Military Coups in West Africa since the Sixties. Huntington, New York: Nova Science Publishers.
Nathan, Laurie. 1997. A South African policy framework on peace initiatives in Africa. 11 November. http://ccrweb.ccr.uct.ac.za/staff_papers/laurie_dfa.html.Nathan, Otto, and Heinz Norden (eds.). 1960. Einstein on Peace. New York: Simon and Schuster.
Otite, Onigu, and Isaac Olawale Albert. 1999. Community Conflict in Nigeria: Management, Resolution and Transformation. Ibadan: Spectrum Books.Schelling, Thomas C. 1966. Arms and Influence. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press.
Seleti, Yonah. n.d. Thoughts on ubuntu. Unpublished manuscript, 2003.Sen, Amartya. 1999. Development as Freedom. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Smith, Robert S. 1989. Warfare and Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa, 2nd edn. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.
Wallensteen, Peter. 2002. Understanding Conflict Resolution: War, Peace and the Global System. London: Sage Publications.
Zartman, I. William (ed.). 1997. Governance as Conflict Management: Politics and Violence in West Africa. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. –––. 2000. Traditional Cures for Modern Conflicts: African Conflict ‘Medicine’. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers
Subscribe to:
Post Comments (Atom)
No comments:
Post a Comment